下载地址:http://free.100xuexi.com/Ebook/141249.html
目录 封面
内容简介
目录
2016年温州大学外国语学院621英语基础考研真题
2015年温州大学外国语学院621英语基础考研真题
2014年温州大学外国语学院621英语基础考研真题
2013年温州大学外国语学院621英语基础考研真题
2012年温州大学外国语学院618英语基础考研真题
2011年温州大学外国语学院617英语基础考研真题
2010年温州大学外国语学院617英语基础考研真题
说明：往年科目代码是618、621等，科目名称是“英语基础”，本书采用近年科目代码和名称，即“621英语基础”。
本书更多内容>>
使用说明
内容预览
2016年温州大学外国语学院621英语基础考研真题
2016年硕士研究生招生考试试题
科目代码及名称: 621 英语基础 适用专业：英语语言文学
A 卷
Part OneBlank-filling （20分）
For each blank in thefollowing passage you are requested to fill in only ONE word.
CourtsWrestle with Domestic Violence
Divorce casesarising from domestic violence are brought to Chinese courts frequently butdifficulties remain in hearing them, judges said on Thursday.
The problem ofdomestic violence （1）serious despite existing laws, saidZhu Chuntao, chief judge of a civil tribunal that specializes（2）domestic disputes atBeijing High People's Court. Some laws need (3), and new ones need to bemade, Zhu said. "Divorces requested on grounds (4) domesticviolence have become more common in our court (5) the past few years,but it's still a challenge for litigants and judges to collect evidence ofviolence," he said.
Of 620 divorce(6) randomly sampled from 2013, 9 percent of the plaintiffs had appealed tothe capital's courts because of domestic violence. "Many couples whosought a divorce due to domestic violence had serious conflicts (7) eachother, so we gave divorce judgments to them most of the time instead of (8) first,"Zhu said.
"But fewlitigants provided any hard evidence of domestic violence," he said.
"Asdomestic violence happens, it's hard for (9) to collect evidence. Somepictures of injuries from litigants don't prove they were injured for thisreason. It's hard for a judge to (10)."
He applauded thevictim in a case that was (11) at Beijing Tongzhou District People'sCourt for providing her call records to the police (12) she wasphysically abused by her husband. She also kept a letter from her husbandexpressing regret that he had (13) her. "Such evidence is strongerthan injury photos," he said.
In addition, anabused person with little evidence will also face difficulty in gettingcompensation (14) their mental suffering, even though it is noted in thecurrent Marriage Law, he said. Protective orders (15) an abusive partnerfrom getting near a victim have been a tool of the courts since 2008, he said,but it's rare to receive such applications.
Shi Xiaohong,vice-president of Henan Provincial High People's Court, said protective orders,along with "move-out" orders requiring an abusive partner to (16) themarital home, are still in the exploration stage in the country's courts.
"Theprotection now is not compulsory and (17) is difficult," Shi said.
"When wegive move-out orders, it's hard to make sure it's effective. There are fewsupporting (18) now."
The judges saidthey hope the government will soon (19) its first anti-domestic-violencelaw. The concept is currently under discussion by the Standing Committee of theNational People's Congress, the country's top legislature. "Some measureswill be easy to shape into clear legal articles," Shi said.
Chinese courtshave heard nearly 4 million family disputes since 2012, including divorces andproperty allocations, the Supreme People's Court said, adding that they alwaystake up a large proportion of civil cases. In 2014, courts in Shandong provincetook (20) 143,756 domestic disputes, accounting for 22.3 percent of thecivil cases filed. From January to October, the courts heard 124,981 family cases,up 1.6 percent year-on-year.
Part Two ReadingComprehension （40分）
UnUnwinnable war
Andrew BacevichNov 19, 2015 President FrancoisHollande’s response to Friday’s vicious terrorist attacks in France, attributedto the Islamic State, was immediate and uncompromising. “We are going to lead awar which will be pitiless,” he vowed.
Whether France itself possesses the will or the capacity toundertake such a war is another matter. So too is the question of whetherfurther war can provide a remedy to the problem at hand: widespread disorder roiling(21) much of the Greater Middle East and periodically spilling into the outsideworld.
It’s not as if the outside world hasn’t already givenpitiless war a try. The Soviet Union spent all of the 1980s attempting to pacify(22) Afghanistan and succeeded only in killing a million or so Afghans whilecreating an incubator for Islamic radicalism. Beginning in 2003, the UnitedStates attempted something similar in Iraq
and ended up producing similarly destabilizing results. Bythe time US troops withdrew in 2011, something like 200,000 Iraqis had died,most of them are civilians. Today Iraq teeters on the brink (23) ofdisintegration.
Perhaps if the Russians had tried harder or the Americanshad stayed longer, they might have achieved a more favorable outcome. Yet thatqualifies as a theoretical possibility at best. Years of fighting inAfghanistan exhausted the Soviet Union and contributed directly to itssubsequent collapse. Years of fighting in Iraq used up whatever ‘Let’s roll!’combativeness Americans may have entertained (24) following 9/11.
Today, notwithstanding the Obama administration’scontinuing appetite for military piddling – airstrikes, commando raids, andadvisory missions – few Americans retain any appetite for undertaking furtherlarge-scale hostilities (25) in the Islamic world. Fewer still will signup (26) to follow Hollande in undertaking any new crusade. Their reluctanceto do so is understandable and appropriate.
The fact is that United States and its European allies facea perplexing (27) strategic conundrum. Collectively they find themselveslocked in a protracted conflict with Islamic radicalism, with Isis but onemanifestation of a much larger phenomenon. Prospects for negotiating an end tothat conflict anytime soon appear to be nil. Alas, so too do prospects ofwinning it.
In this conflict, the West generally appears to enjoy theadvantage of clear-cut military superiority. By almost any measure, we arestronger than our adversaries. Our arsenals are bigger, our weapons moresophisticated, our generals better educated in the art of war, our fightersbetter trained at waging it.
Yet most of this has proven to be irrelevant. Time andagain the actual employment of that ostensibly superior military might hasproduced results other than those intended or anticipated. Even where armedintervention has achieved a semblance (28) of tactical success – theousting of some unsavory dictator, for example – it has yielded neitherreconciliation nor willing submission nor even sullen compliance (29).Instead, intervention typically serves to aggravate, inciting (30) furtherresistance. Rather than putting out the fires of radicalism, we end up feedingthem.
In proposing to pour yet more fuel on that fire, Hollandedemonstrates a crippling absence of imagination, one that has characterizedrecent western statesmanship more
generally when it comes to the Islamic world. There, simplytrying harder will not suffice as a basis of policy.
It’s past time for the West, and above all for the UnitedStates as the West’s primary military power, to consider trying somethingdifferent.
Rather than assuming an offensive posture, the West should revertto (31) a defensive one. Instead of attempting to impose its will on theGreater Middle East, it should erect barriers to protect itself from theviolence emanating from (32) that quarter. Such barriers willnecessarily be imperfect, but they will produce greater security at a moreaffordable cost than is gained by engaging in futile, open-ended armedconflicts. Rather than vainly attempting to police or control, this revisedstrategy should seek to contain.
Such an approach posits that, confronted with theresponsibility to do so, the peoples of the Greater Middle East will provebetter equipped to solve their problems than are policy makers back inWashington, London, or Paris. It rejects as presumptuous any claim that the Westcan untangle problems of vast historical and religious complexity to which Westernfolly contributed. It rests on this core principle: Do no (further) harm.
Hollande views the tragedy that has befallen Paris as asummons to yet more war. The rest of us would do well to see it as a moment tore-examine the assumptions that have enmeshed the West in a war that it cannotwin and should not perpetuate.
Language Work
(I) Explain theunderlined parts (number 21--32) above on the Answer Sheet (每题2分，共24分)
(II) Explain thefollowing two statements in relation to the article. (每题8分，共16分)
33. What are the follies that the Westerncountries have contributed to according to the article?
34. What is the author’s view upon the waron terrorists?
Part ThreeTranslation work （40分）
Put the followingpassage into English.
有三种朴实却异常强烈的激情左右着我的人生：渴望爱情、寻求知识和对受苦人的怜悯。这三种激情尤如飓风肆意地吹着我, 从无边的苦海吹向绝境。
我寻找爱，因为爱使人陶醉。我常常宁愿用我全部的余生来换取几个小时这样的欣喜。我寻找爱，因为爱使我解除了孤寂，解除了一个颤抖的灵魂从人世间到冷漠无底的深渊所经历的孤寂。我寻找爱，因为我在爱的缩影中看到了圣人和诗人眼里天堂的景象。这就是以往我寻找的，虽然对于人生来说似乎过于美好，但我终于找到了。
以同样的激情，我寻求知识。我渴望理解人类的心灵。我想知道群星为何闪烁。我试图领悟毕达哥拉斯的数的魔力，它支配着数的和谐。我已多少达到了此目的。
Part Four Essay-writing（50分）
Topic: Do you like cartoon？ Is it childish？Whyor why not？
Word limit: 500-600
(Please write your essay on the Answer Sheet)
下载地址:http://free.100xuexi.com/Ebook/141249.html |
|
收藏
点赞!
反对!